With Khatami's candidacy settled, the landscape of Iranian elections has undergone significant ‎changes.‎

The entrance of Seyed Mohammad Khatami means the non-entrance of many other potential ‎candidates. This includes left-wing and right-wing, male and female, religious and secular, ‎minority and majority candidates, because most of those whose names were discussed as ‎potential candidates in the upcoming presidential election had conditioned their candidacy or ‎non-candidacy on Mohammad Khatami's decision to run or not to run.‎

Now, with the official announcement of the former president's candidacy, the situation of almost ‎all reformist candidates is clear. In the reformist camp, most potential candidates will defend ‎Khatami.‎

Khatami's announcement also concluded much of the doubt and discussion inside the ‎conservative camp. None of the candidates belonging to the ruling faction, despite rumors ‎surrounding their candidacy did not have the courage to official announce their candidacy - not ‎until Khatami had announced his decision and Ahmadinejad's position was clarified. Now that ‎tactics and pressures to convince Khatami not to run have failed, most of these candidates have ‎no choice but to wait for the Supreme Leader's position to be clarified, which would determine ‎whether other conservative candidates are able to compete in the election, or they all must step ‎aside in Ahmadinejad's favor.‎

In this midst remain individuals and figures who believe they can have an influence and want to ‎capitalize on the country's election atmosphere. By introducing independent candidates, they ‎aim at questioning the "freeness and fairness" of the upcoming election.‎

Khatami's candidacy, on the other hand, has created new dilemmas for individuals and certain ‎political currents that have so far been unable to clarify their position with respect to the Islamic ‎Republic and settle on a strategy of tolerance or resistance. This is a group that has been ‎swerving between "reformation" and "revolution" in recent years depending on international and ‎domestic conditions, and still does not know whether it is seeking to "reform the regime" or ‎‎"replace the regime," and what tools, tactics and strategies are to be employed for either of those ‎aims.‎

The coming to power of Barack Obama meant that America has bypassed the option of "regime ‎change" in Iran, moving closer to the European position of changing the "regime's behavior." ‎This "change" means setting aside the policy of "exporting democracy and human rights by ‎missiles and warships," which, during America's occupation of Afghanistan and Iraq, comprised ‎the sweet dream of many Iranians, especially in the ranks of the youth- a sweet and delightful ‎dream that subsequently turned into a nightmare.‎

In light of new international environment and domestic crises afflicting Iran, the coming of ‎Khatami can usher "change" in the worldview of many who, until yesterday, counted on "change ‎from outside" rather than "reforms from within."‎

The experiences of the past three or four years has led many former boycotters of the ninth ‎presidential election, especially women's rights and student activists, to the conclusion that ‎‎"freedom and democracy" are internal developments, however difficult, costly and time-‎consuming they may be.‎

One way of reaching "democracy and human rights" is to participate in elections and support a ‎candidate who is better in comparison, or at least less costly, even if the choice is one between ‎‎"bad" and "worse." The experiences of the past three and a half years show well that how much ‎the presidency of someone like Ahmadinejad can affect the lives of everyone.‎