The recent suicide attack in the south eastern province of Sistan and Baluchistan in which a car was used for the first time in the explosion is an unprecedented event in the Islamic Republic of Iran.
Even though suicide attacks had taken place against Iranian officials in 1981 (which involved hand grenades) but this bombing in Sistan and Baluchistan where the majority of the population is Sunni appears to be the first of its kind in which a car was used.
The attack took place amid special operational and symbolic environment which is reminiscent of suicide attacks by groups commonly known as Salafi or Takfiri. These groups, whose operations are associated to specific characteristics, have by now been well identified by the international public opinion. In the world today, images of executions (particularly beheadings) of hand-tied hostages in front of cameras while some Quran verses are heard, or images of car bombings driven by suicide drivers, normally convey a common meaning to the viewer: Salafi terrorist operations, or what in the West is known as Al-Qaida.
An important characteristic of such operations, regardless of whether they take place in Iraq, Pakistan, Afghanistan, or any other place on earth, is that they are all displayed to take place in a heroic religious setting with jihadist symbols. More precisely, there have been very few, if any, suicide operations by these groups against victims whose crimes are portrayed to be issues like “violations of people’s rights”. Most, if not all, of these killings are portrayed to take place against forces or individuals whose principal “crime” has a religious undertone such as “invasion of Muslim lands”, “animosity with the religion of God”, etc.
It is in this light that the recent suicide attack in Iran carries certain important warnings. This event took place in an environment of such intense religious tension that is rare even in the conflict-ridden region of Baluchistan.
It is because of this atmosphere that the negative role of Ahmadinejad’ administration in allowing the region to come to such a new phase of security unrest becomes critical. Of course this region has been wrought with poverty, corruption, injustice, dissatisfaction of local residents with authorities, which have always been contributing to the social tensions that include armed clashes between ethnic groups and government agents. But the dangerous initiatives of the Ahmadinejad administration in Sistan and Baluchistan have aggravated these issues to unprecedented levels of religious tension. A shocking example is the mind-boggling decision of the government to tear down a Sunni religious school in Zabol known as Abu-Hanifeh.
The claim of the Jondollah armed group, that has assumed the responsibility of the recent suicide bombing, is that their recent operation was an act of revenge for the destruction of this religious school in Zabol. It is a clear sign that through its act of bulldozing a religious school, the central government in Tehran has in fact unleashed a very dangerous potential and prospects in the region. Let’s not forget the unmatched uproar of Sunni Friday prayer Imams – who are directly appointed by the leader of the Islamic regime and always have the strongest calls for patience with the central government - over the bulldozing. These cries were so laud that cleric the Sunni prayer imam of Chahbahar in Baluchistan, publicly protested that “so long as we are alive we shall not allow the government to confiscate our mosques and schools from us”, and called on the leader of the regime and its president to apologize to the Sunni population while compensating for the destruction of the religious school. In another statement, the Sunni prayer imam of Zahedan (capital of Sistan and Baluchistan) issued a warning threat: “An unjust life is not acceptable for us and if anybody desires it we shall deliver it to them,” adding that if these created problems for the Sunnis were not addressed, it was possible that for the first time members of this minority “would not participate in the upcoming presidential elections.”
The majority of Baluch Sunnis, whose most moderate clerics raised these protests over the destruction of the Abu-Hanifeh school in Zabol, are the very same people who have over the past decade looked for any “excuse” to remain optimistic about the central government. This optimism reached its peak when during the presidential elections of 1997, the respectful words of a presidential candidate who called for respect of Sunni minority rights raised the turnout of the Sunnis to unprecedented levels and in some of the province’s towns constituted more than 90 percent of the votes cast for Mohammad Khatami. It is instructive that even during the 2001 presidential election when many small and large towns populated with Persians and Shiites majorities had already lost much of their hope for change, more than 70 percent of the population of Sistan and Baluchistan participated in the elections, and again, Kahatmi received over 90 percent of the votes in some towns. This way, a great majority of the province’s people voted for Khatami who had merely expressed respectful words for them while they remained in near-absolute poverty and faced aching employment discrimination, and even Khatami’s attempts to appoint a few Sunni governors had been met with incredible opposition by conservatists. Even more surprising is the fact that during the 2005 presidential race when reformist candidate Mostafa Moin was criticized for his “chick” promises such as “the foundation of the Democracy and Human Rights Front” which his opponents claimed had no attraction for the masses, his highest votes came from Sistan and Baluchistan province in the first voting round (Ahmadinejad received less than 47 thousand votes compared to Moin’s 479 thousand, which may explain the reason for Ahmadinejad’s policies towards the deprived province!)…
There is a general observation about the countries in transition which is that many of their governments prioritize security but neglect the social and political aspects for implementing law and order, which then in turn becomes the very source of threat to the national security. It appears that what is going on in Iran’s Sistan and Baluchistan province and the workings of the Ahmadinejad administration is an example of the repetition of the same unfortunate problem: Now, Ahmadinejad’s government, which claims to be the “first” in implementing major tasks in the country, is also witness to the first automobile suicide bombing in Iran’s history.
--- • This article is first published in The Media Line website.





