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opinion article

September 12, 2008

Sanctions and Medicine ‎

Morteza Kazemian
Morteza Kazemian

 

 

The scope and depth of pressures and sanctions against Tehran and the Islamic ‎Republic’s nuclear policies are expanding and beginning to cover a multitude of areas. ‎Although certain aspects of outcomes and repercussions of the present challenge and the ‎insistence of Iranian and Western policymakers on keeping their positions are visible and ‎obvious, certain other layers have placed the Iranian people in challenging and gradually ‎threatening positions; in this respect, the impact of the sanctions on the country’s ‎pharmaceutical industry is notable. ‎

According to reports presented by officials in this sector, more than 96 percent of the ‎country’s necessary medicines are prepared and manufactured domestically, inside the ‎country. However, the same report indicates that the raw materials for 99 percent of ‎manufactured medicines inside the country is imported (1). Obviously, the present ‎problems and limitations concerning obtaining new letters of credit and the rise in price ‎of raw materials has pushed the country’s pharmaceutical industry toward preparing and ‎buying raw materials from countries such as China, India, Pakistan, etc., countries where ‎there is an abundance of cheap raw material. This condition, in addition to the rise in the ‎price of secondary material used in manufacturing various medicines has a clear and ‎predictable outcome in the near future: higher prices, shortage and lower quality ‎medicines. ‎

Worrisome and concerning news reports on this issue are not hard to find. For instance, ‎it is noted that the production of antibiotics will stop this coming fall (2). It is not hard to ‎imagine the gradual shut down of the country’s pharmaceutical industry and its shift to ‎importing medicine – of qualities below international standards. The unemployment of ‎workers and staff in the country’s pharmaceutical industry and higher dependence of that ‎industry to sources outside the country are only the visible aspects of the present crisis. ‎The more dangerous and unpleasant aspect of that is the threat to health of citizens. ‎Imagining a winter in which amoxicillin and other antibiotics are hard or impossible to ‎find is very worrisome. ‎

Perhaps it is possible to somewhat ignore the present problem when it comes to ‎medicines that are not of highest importance or regarded to be lifesaving. However, it is ‎difficult to imagine what inhumane and terrible consequences the present problem has on ‎medicines needed by patients suffering from life threatening or chronic diseases (such as ‎heart disease). ‎

These realities and the increasing deterioration in conditions have not escaped the eyes of ‎officials and those in power. That is why, on one level, “storing medicine” is on he ‎agenda, while on another (higher) level, the Islamic Republic is seeking to reach a ‎compromise with the West. ‎

In such conditions, hardly anyone inside Iran doubts that achieving an agreement with the ‎West (given the imposed costs) is less costly than sustaining the present challenges, ‎leading to expansion in sanctions or even war. But one must be hopeful that this ‎compromise does not take so long that its unpleasant consequences affect aspects that ‎threaten the lives of human beings: lives of newborns and innocent infants, lives of ‎patients awaiting operation in hospital rooms, lives of people suffering from untreatable ‎or life threatening diseases, lives of pregnant women, lives of patients in need and in pain ‎in hard to reach corners of the country, etc. In one word, lives of the Iranian people. ‎

Iranian government officials continue to repeat the slogan that “nuclear energy is the ‎obvious right of Iranian people.” However, they must not forget that a healthy life free ‎from disease and pain is a “more obvious” right of the same people. The Iranian regime ‎must seriously reconsider its interpretation of “national interest,” and not to look at it the ‎lens of “regime and political system’s interest,” which fuels its “cost-benefit” analysis in ‎the nuclear game. ‎



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