In the meeting that I, along with a number of members from Iran’s Association for the Defense of Press Freedom, had with Abdollah Nouri, a presidential hopeful for the June 2009 elections, the candidate stressed some issues that I believe are important to be communicated to the public. Here are the points which he raised.
A. The extremely disorderly and critical situation in the various aspects of the country’s life, i.e. social, economic, cultural, international and political
B. The necessity of reforming and changing the situation regarding religious, people’s and the national issues
C. His readiness to participate in the national race and take up the challenge, if there is agreement among key reformist groups and parties about accepting him as the presidential nominee
D. Should Khatami be the choice for the next presidential race, he must take up the challenge with a different will and determination than he did during the reform period, and he must demonstrate his resolve to resist and stand up for his goals and plans
E. Khatami’s irrefutable popularity in Iran and the vast public support that he enjoys among the masses
F. Recognition of Karubi’s special traits and his potential to be the candidate should Khatami not join the race. The necessity to comprehensively evaluate his potential and position to be a reformist, in case of Khatami’s absence
G. His determination not to be used to created divisions and differences in the reformist camp and reforms, particularly as hardliners are turning the country into a burnt land
I believe that these are the salient views that Nouri holds. Therefore, bearing in mind the positions that he has publicly announced and defended – which have been published by various reliable sources – one can comfortably claim that Nouri has entered the field by stressing the fundamental rights of citizens and the attainment of national security issues. This is the same Nouri who through Khordad newspaper rejected the recommendations of the power groups to strike a deal with him, and who independently strives to remain a democrat and a real pro-democracy advocate.
Furthermore, Nouri is recognized as a “realist” in political circles. He pays attention to “possible options” and is not content with “minimum options.” He chooses his positions by realistically assessing the existing conditions and a detailed appraisal of existing potentials and options in social and political domains of Iran’s civic society. He also clearly separates and distinguishes himself from radical groups who normally shut their eyes to the hard realities around them and shape their views and even act on the basis of their intellectual ideals.
Another important trait that Nouri displays is his refrain from making himself the selfish center of events and ideas, something that is quite common among Iranian political groups and intellectuals. Among personal interest, group interest and national interest, he clearly leans for the last. Which is why he relegates personal priorities to group interests and cooperation with the various layers of reformers and pro-change groups and individuals. These are probably the reasons why groups ranging from Majmae Rohaniyoon Mobarez (Assembly of Combatant Clerics) to the Etemad Melli (National Trust) Party, and supporters of ayatollah Montazeri, independent intellectuals and democratic political activists, including national and religious-national figures and groups, the Kargozaran (Executives of Construction) party, and student activists, all have very high respect and esteem for Nouri.
Despite all obstacles and serious bottlenecks, Abdollah Nouri continues to be present in the political world of Iran. He is still the same person who pursued the University of Tehran dormitory catastrophe, the serial murders of intellectuals by government agents (which I as the editor of the political desk of Khordad newspaper was a witness to and attest), and who prefers national interest over the government’s.
