It is said that in the first months following the coming to power of Seyyed Mohammad Khatami (Iran’s 2 term reformist president until 2005), a group of reformists asked ayatollah Khamenei to abide by the demands and mandate of the people, personally take charge of the reform movement and add a golden page to Iran's history by spearheading much-needed reforms.
That golden opportunity was lost for whatever reason, and Iran's supreme leader, perhaps influenced by internal developments in the Eastern block at the time, especially in former Soviet Union and Gorbachev's fate, did not accept that useful and constructive suggestion. Rather than embracing freedom, republicanism, democracy and human rights, Iran’s supreme leader insisted on instituting a specific model of "Islamic government," which is based on the "absolute will of the cleric" (faghih).
Now, because of that kind of governance, a situation has risen whereby, every single day, countless reports and remarks are published by conservatives themselves about failure and corruption in the government.
My belief is that providing two clear instances of this kind of internal whistle-blowing and campaign propaganda by conservatives could unravel the depth of the country's problems and crises afflicting the central layers of government, and also prove the wrongness of the supreme leader's decision to confront, rather than embrace, the reform movement.
Here are selections from the two instances:
The first points to the remarks of Ali Agha-Mohammadi, a member of the Expediency Council, in criticism of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's policies, which likened him to former president Banisadr (who was forcefully removed from power in the early 1980s), and perhaps predicting a similar fate, including the possibility of his removal by impeachment and through legal channels: "He (Banisadr) always brought up slogans about Islam, defending the downtrodden and fighting the imperialists, accusing the banks of profiteering and wanted to reduce the banking interest rate to 4 percent to attract the public to himself. He did it in such a manner that some people thought that Banisadr had actually descended from the heavens to rescue the nation… All of the negative emotions that were in himself, he blamed on his opponents and the “enemy” … The way things are going in Iran today, it is as if the same tape is being replayed and people must listen to Banisadr's speeches one more time in order to avoid repeating that bitter experience, because it is always the case that some people can come and portray themselves in a manner contrary to the truth."
A second instance which is typical of Ahmadinejad's camp is more interesting in terms of the confidential and semi-confidential information it contains, and deals more with political and economic-whistle blowing. This instance is none other than the remarks of Abbas Palizdar, a member of the seventh Majlis committee formed to investigate the judiciary - a report and news clip that has received widespread attention in news websites and Internet blogs.
In his remarks, Palizdar speaks about corruption cases against 44 people, including 7 clerics, and names all directly or indirectly except for one ayatollah; Mohammad Emami Kashani (member of Guardian Council and Tehran's Friday prayer leader), Mohammad Yazdi (member of Guardian Council and Council of Experts, Secretary-General of Qom Seminary School Teachers Association, and former head of judiciary), Abolghasem Khazali (member of Qom Seminary School Teachers Association and former member of Guardian Council), Ali Akbar Nateq-Nouri (head of Ayatollah Khamenei's special investigative unit and member of the Expediency Council), Mo'ezi (deputy head of supreme leader's office), Mohsen Rafighdoost (former head of Mostazafeen Foundation), Habibollah Asgaroladi (former Secretary General of the Islamic Coalition Society)…
These remarks and revelations indicate that in the three decades that have passed since the revolution, in absence of freedom, democracy, human rights, free press and independent journalists, people have been deprived of their just rights more and more with each passing day, and a gang of rulers and their relatives have been enriched by not just oil and resources wealth, but also stealing people's earnings.
The supreme leader can say I was not and am not aware of this corruption, or rather admit that I was aware but am not able to confront it, but in the end, it does not make much difference: in absence of the people's direct and free participation, people's rights are ignored and their children's fate is destroyed.
In this midst, perhaps the only solution is the wholesale resignation of all officials in every level or if not, at least in the two executive and legislative branches, and putting the responsibility of executive and legislative work into the hands of representative elected directly by popular vote - and not the interference of the Guardian Council and disqualification filters.
Perhaps if the supreme leader had bowed to the request of reformists ten years ago who asked for his partnership in advancing reforms, the nation and country would not have been in the dire situation that they are today. But because, "whenever you stop loss you benefit," perhaps the first step to reform the present situation is for Ahmadinejad to resign or be removed, and for elections that are free, fair, just and competitive, in the true sense of these words, to be held. The next step would involve dissolving the eight Majlis and holding new elections - maybe simultaneous elections in the near future, such as an energetic and passionate referendum to build a free and advanced Iran.
