In the latest round of protests against Ahmadinejad administration's impartiality and attempts to ‎cleanse the Ministry of Intelligence of the old guard, Tabnak website," affiliated with former ‎Revolutionary Guards commander Mohsen Rezaei, published an interview with an intelligence ‎expert blasting the administration's "hurried decisions to fire or force into retirement a ‎considerable percentage of the intelligence community's experienced, expert and elite forces." ‎

One intelligence expert tells Rooz, "After enduring through several crises starting with the chain ‎murders, the reform government [1997-2005] succeeded, to the extent possible in the Islamic ‎Republic, in breaking the absolute monopoly of radical right-wingers over the control of the ‎Ministry of Intelligence. However, since the coming to power of the ninth administration, it was ‎predictable for the ministry to take harsher positions in confronting opposition political parties ‎and critics of the principalist (as conservative ideologues are called) block's total control, ‎particularly civil society activists." ‎

This expert notes the "intelligence community's great concern is that about the invitation by the ‎current administration to bring back those officers and agents who were removed from the ‎ministry of intelligence by president Khatami following the chain murder of dissidents." He ‎adds, "This security organization's open intrusion into the field of violent confrontations with ‎social movements and the increasing attempts to push this ministry into full-fledged ‎confrontation of political opponents is a clear sign of the presence of such forces in the ministry ‎of intelligence." ‎

According to this expert, "In addition to social activists, the ministry of intelligence quickly ‎became a tool in the hands of Ahmadinejad to influence political developments such that, in the ‎case of Hossein Mousavian (a former member of Iran’s National Security Council who was ‎involved in international talks over the country’s nuclear program), which was orchestrated by ‎Ahmadinejad and his allies to take revenge from two-time president and two-time Majlis speaker ‎and current head of the state Expediency Council Hashemi Rafsanjani, this ministry and its ‎minister assumed the leading role in advancing allegations in the case, to the point that they put ‎the ministry of intelligence face to face with the judiciary, openly threatening to publish the ‎contents of this secret trial to undermine the judiciary's verdict." ‎

Tabnak website accuses Ahmadinejad’s administration of "forcing into retirement and expelling ‎a considerable percentage of experienced intelligence officers," some of whom "have served as ‎intelligence officers for more than 20 years in the Islamic Republic." According to some experts, ‎the administration's move is a foundational change in an organization that, despite the rise of ‎several parallel security and intelligence organizations, continues to be the country's largest ‎intelligence organization with a hefty annual budget. ‎

The website's reference to the retirement of a majority of the ministry of intelligence's ‎experienced officers is true; because many of them entered intelligence operations during the ‎first decade of the Islamic Republic's existence and gained experience in the past two decades. ‎

However, Tabnak notes that the Ahmadinejad’s administration is willing to take any measure to ‎gain control over the ministry. The website points to the creation of "livelihood problems" for ‎officers not aligned with the administration, and quotes its intelligence expert, "The creation of ‎livelihood problems for forces whose worth for the nation's security cannot be measured in ‎monetary terms will bring nothing but damage to our nation." ‎

In recent weeks conservative seventh Majlis deputies (who will be leaving the legislature soon) ‎who are not aligned with the administration have presented legislation to limit the ministry of ‎intelligence's role in providing information that could lead to disqualification of candidates ‎running for office. Initially, the legislation failed to gain majority support in the Majlis, but it ‎was revised and forwarded to the National Security Committee for further examination. ‎

If this piece of legislation is passed, the ministry of intelligence will only be able to provide ‎information regarding a candidate's criminal history and spying for foreigners. Also, local ‎investigations will be limited to ensuring that a candidate is not notorious. ‎

Fifty members of the seventh Majlis, including some prominent deputies from Tehran, have ‎signed this legislation. The legislation gained 118 favorable votes to be brought to the Majlis ‎floor, which demonstrates the dissatisfaction of many of seventh Majlis deputies who previously ‎supported the Ministry of Intelligence's role in disqualifying reformist candidates, but now favor ‎limiting the ministry's role, fearing Ahmadinejad’s administration complete control of the ‎organization. ‎