‎

Nader Irani

On the eve of the eight Majlis elections, we have conducted an interview with Mohsen ‎Armin, one of the leaders of the reformist Mojahedin-e Enghelab-e Eslami party. Below ‎is the text of this interview. ‎

Rooz (R): Mr. Armin, why didn’t you stage a sit-in in the sixth Majlis over issues such ‎as shut down of newspapers, etc., but you did over disqualification of candidates for the ‎seventh Majlis elections? ‎

Mohsen Armin (MA): The answer to this question is very clear. Elections, because of ‎the role they play in upholding the “republican” identity of the regime, are not ‎comparable to anything else. If the integrity of elections are in danger, that means that ‎the regime’s republicanism is in danger. ‎

‎(R): Given the emphasis of your organization on republicanism and democracy, how do ‎you go about defining minority rights? ‎

‎(MA): My organization believes that all political parties that operate within the ‎framework of the Constitution must be allowed to exist and compete for political power. ‎In this area, the issue of “faith in the regime” is not an issue, because we have no method ‎of measuring people’s faith in the regime, which is a personal issue. Therefore, whoever ‎operates within the framework of the Constitution, is allowed to compete for political ‎power. Democracy has no meaning without respect for minority rights. Therefore, when ‎we speak of democracy, we obviously are speaking about the political and intellectual ‎rights of minorities as well. ‎

‎(R): What is your opinion about the new generation of hardliners that have risen to ‎power along with Mr. Ahmadinejad? ‎

‎(MA): Look, with the logistical and moral and unconditional support of some in the ‎power structure, forces who were previously the foot soldiers of the conservative camp ‎gradually organized themselves and consolidated their own ideology, political institutions ‎and theoreticians. They grew alongside the reformists, but eventually stole the mantle of ‎anti-reformism from the traditional conservatives. They then entered the public scene ‎with their victories in the seventh Majlis, and eventually took over the executive branch ‎with the support of countless of individuals and organizations. Now they threaten to ‎eliminate their old pals, the traditional conservatives. ‎

‎(R): Where is the base of this movement, economically, financially, and militarily? ‎

‎(MA): This movement has come to power through economic and political doping. ‎Therefore, if the regime ceases to support it with oil money, it will deteriorate quickly. ‎This movement is different from the traditional conservative movement that had roots in ‎the bazaar and other traditional institutions. The traditional conservative movement has a ‎strong social base and is not dependent on the regime for its existence. As such, it plays a ‎significant role in Iran’s political development, as it has in the era before and after the ‎revolution. In contrast, the new generation of hardliners is an unnatural and fake ‎construct. This movement has no clear economic or social base that one can point to. ‎

‎(R): So do you think that this movement is unable to mobilize the masses without the ‎support of government institutions? ‎

‎(MA): They cannot do it [without the support]. In my opinion, if you take the special ‎privileges of this group away they would not be able to compete against any group. ‎Iran’s problem is currently rentierism, and the fact that the power structure lends its ‎unconditional support to a certain group that is imposing itself on the country’s political ‎landscape. Although this movement is heavily advertising that it defends the rights of the ‎poor and supports the dispossessed. But if this group really had the support of disposed ‎masses then it wouldn’t have needed help in the elections. The fact that so many people ‎were disqualified for the parliamentary elections shows that this group is really worried ‎about its standing with people. ‎

‎(R): Right now, what are the two most influential political groups in Iran?‎

‎(MA): I believe that the two conservative and reformist camps are the most influential ‎political currents in Iran.‎

‎(R): Will these two camps be the most influential in the upcoming elections as well?‎

‎(MA): If we have a relatively honest elections with minimal competitive conditions, then ‎these two currents will be the most influential. ‎

‎(R): Is it possible that the disqualifications are engineered to allow competition between ‎the various competing hardliner groups? ‎

‎(MA): Absolutely. One plan that appeals to many in power is to create the impression of ‎genuinely competitive elections. This allows them to hold engineered competitions with ‎predetermined results within the frameworks that is acceptable to them. ‎

‎ ‎