Iran’s supreme leader issued a decree replacing the head of Revolutionary Guards, General Yahya (Rahim) Safavi, with experienced war veteran Brigadier General Mohammad Ali (Aziz) Jafari. The supreme leader appointed Rahim Safavi, who commanded the Guards for ten years, as his senior adviser on armed forces affairs.

According to Khamenei’s decree, Jafari is now responsible “for the continuous progress and reform of the Guards in all aspects through his management plan and leadership.” Previously, Jafari served as commander of ground forces and directors of the Guards’ strategic planning center. After years of strategic planning, Jafari now takes over executive duties as well.

Brigadier General Aziz Jafari is a veteran commander in the Guards who served in several sensitive operations during the eight year Iran-Iraq War. In 1371 [1991-1992], he replaced Commander Izadi as commander of the Guards’ ground forces. He served in that post until the summer of 2005, when he was put in charge of establishing and directing a strategic research center for the Revolutionary Guards.

Political analysts interpreted Jafari’s appointment to that post, along with other simultaneous changes and appointments, as part of a long-term plan to reform and overhaul the Guard’s structure and responsibilities. Some interpreted it as a move to give the Guards more independence from other branches of the armed forces, while a third group regarded the development as part of a complex and secret plan. Commander Jafari once outlined the responsibilities of the strategic center in this way: “[The center] will provide a forum for intellectuals within the Guards to think and analyze issues free from distractions that come with executive and leadership duties.”

Commander Jafari was among the 24 Revolutionary Guards commanders who sent a threatening letter to former President Mohammad Khatami in the hot summer of 1999. Many reformists interpreted the letter as a coup warning. In the letter, the Guards commanders threatened Khatami with action: “our patience is at an end, and we do not think it possible to tolerate any more if [this matter is] not addressed.”

The letter still is of immense interest after eight years. Since Jafari is one of the letter’s signatories, it is worthwhile to read the letter again:

To His Excellency the Honorable President of the Republic,
Hojjat ol-Eslam Sayyid Mohammad Khatami

Greetings, and may you not grow weary:

In the aftermath of recent events, and in our capacity as servants since the days of the Holy Defense of the noble Iranian nation, we deem it our duty to bring certain matters before your learned and worthy excellency. We hope that in your magnanimity, and in keeping with your worthy credo, and in consonance with the path which you promote (to hear all speech and ideas though they be contrary), that you [will address] this matter which may reflect the worries of thousands who have suffered for the Revolution and who today -- without any political partisanship -- look upon the troubles of the Revolution with a nervous eye, and who are perplexed and bewildered by the silence, negligence, and naïveté of officials who have gained their positions by virtue of the blood of thousands of martyrs.

Mr. Khatami, absolutely all of us have considered and still do consider you to be an upright person, revolutionary, pious, with deep religious roots in the seminary, and sympathetic to the Revolution. But the treatment of incidents -- the celebration and dancing of enemies over which we have all seen -- and the giving of priority to investigating some mistakes and violations and magnifying them, while showing a lack of concern with and downplaying some other such examples of lawlessness, defamation, and coercion, has resulted in currents hostile to the Revolution becoming haughtier, while the defenders of the Revolution, acting guardedly and with afflicted hearts wedded to despair, have been daily humiliated. They have wept for the fruit of all this blood and bitten their fingers in grief and anguish.

Mister President, just as the exalted and oppressed [sic] Leader of this Revolution [Ayatollah Ali Khamenei] stated, the attack on the university housing area was unwelcome, ugly, and bad, and despite the fact that it was dealt with in the strictest and harshest manner, on account of the unwelcomeness of what had happened, everyone accepted this response and approved of it. But the important and uncertain question is, "Was this the only tragedy?" Is this matter alone worthy of being pursued and deemed so objectionable that several ministers resign over it, the National Security Council convenes, and an investigatory panel is formed? Are not the irreverences and affronts to the foundations of this system [of government] also cause for anguish and [hence] to be pursued? Is the sanctity of the authority of the jurisprudent [velayat-e faghih -- the political theory on which the Islamic Republic is founded] less than that of the university housing area? Is the sanctity of the Imam [Ayatollah Khomeini] -- that rarely equalled personage -- less serious than disrespect toward a university student? Are not the disruption of national security for several days, attacks against anyone who is religious, and arson an outrage?

Your Excellency Mr. Khatami, several nights ago, when it was said that a number of people were heading toward the Shahid Mottahari complex [?], our young children looked into our eyes as if to ask us, "Where has your courage gone?" Mr. President, today, when we saw the face of the exalted Leader of the Revolution, we asked God to grant us death, for our hands are bound, there is a thorn in our eyes, and a bone stuck in our throats as we watch the wilting of the seedling which is the product of 14 centuries of Shiite and Muslim suffering.

Your Excellency Mr. Khatami, you know well that while we are strong, [our response has been] weak because friends deem it expedient. Who does not know that today, hypocrites and enemies in the guise of students are flocking to join this battle, and that affiliated hate-mongers and short-sighted opportunists are adding fuel to the fire, and that there is nothing that they will not say or write to make it burn hotter?

Your Excellency Mr. Khatami, how long shall we look on with tears in our eyes and suffer, [while] insulting the exercise of democracy [by tolerating] anarchy, and maintaining our revolutionary patience at the cost of public order?

Mr. President, the families of thousands of martyrs, war-wounded, and veterans voted for you, and their votes are a medal on your chest. They expect you to deal with these problems fairly. Today, we clearly see the hand of the enemy in these events, and we hear their drunken laughter. Know that tomorrow it will be too late, and that there will be no making amends upon tomorrow's repentance.

Esteemed Sayyid, look at the speeches of seeming friends and supporters amongst the university students. Are not all those utterances incitement to riot and lawlessness? Is this the meaning of the Year of the Imam (God's mercy be upon him)? Can his priceless legacy be thus maintained? Is the carelessness of a few acting in the name of the Party of God [Hezbollah -- the group that attacked students at the university housing area] a license to crack the skulls of believers and defame them?

Your Excellency Mr. Khatami, look at the international media and radio broadcasts. Does not the sound of their merriment reach your ears? Dear Mr. President, if you do not make a revolutionary decision today, and fail to fulfill your Islamic and national duty, tomorrow will be too late and the damage will be more irreversible than can be imagined.

In concluding, with all due respect, we inform you that our patience is at an end, and we do not think it possible to tolerate any more if [this matter is] not addressed.